Supplement to Hauptli's Lectures on Plato's Republic Part II
  
Copyright © 2015 Bruce W. Hauptli 
There are two more recent files replacing the three on Plato's Republic for this course: Plato's Republic Supplement A and Plato's Republic B
3. Socrates begins developing the ideas 
behind the ideal state [368c-373e]: 
Plato’s Socrates takes up these challenges by looking for 
justice in the state[1] 
where it may be more readily seen for what it is. 
He contends that once we recognize it there, we will be able to recognize 
it within individuals.  In this 
section he begins to develop the initial ideas behind an ideally just state, or 
“Kallipolis.”[2] 
Of special import will be his claims that individuals are not 
self-sufficient, and that a “division of labor” is called for. 
He will also emphasize the importance of each individual fulfilling the 
role or task for which she or he is most naturally suited. 
As this idea gets developed in later sections of the text, it becomes one 
of the central notions of the work.  
We can call this idea his “Principle of 
Specialization”—that is, he claims that because a division of labor is 
necessary, each individual should tend to that trade (or craft) for which she or 
he is best suited.  
368c Socrates begins his reply to 
these continuations of Thrasymachus’ argument by developing an ideal state. 
-368e The State and the 
individual—justice is the same in each. 
--Is it? 
For us doesn’t justice, primarily (exclusively?) obtain between and among 
individuals?  Does it make sense to 
talk about justice within an 
individual?  
-369b
Origin of the State: no individual is 
self-sufficient.  
--369b “...we aren’t all born 
alike, but each of us differs somewhat in nature from the others, one being 
suited to one task, another for another.” 
His division of labor thesis 
here yields, one page lager, a Principle 
of Specialization—[370b] each individual should do that [single] task for 
which she or he is best suited.  
This thesis is not [simply] an economic thesis! 
--Note the
social character of dialectic. 
When he says that we are not self-sufficient, he is not thinking simply 
of biology or economics—or so I contend. 
The dialectical process that is to yield knowledge is a social process, 
and so if we are to achieve knowledge, we must “be” social! 
--Note: 
while he is talking about “aptness,” this leads (immediately) to 
“singularity”—that is, to the view that each person has 
one talent which she or he is 
“apt” for, and to the conclusion that one must “do” that job. 
If individuals are “apt” for 
more than one job, or if they can simultaneously perform several, then we need 
to look carefully at what follows.  
Moreover, if there is not craft of ruling, then the argument here is 
going to break down.  
-370d The size of state and 
number of tasks grows as we think of the sorts of endeavors necessary—farmers 
will not make their own plows, tools, clothes, or shoes. 
-372e-373c “It isn’t merely the 
origin of a city that we’re considering, it seems, but the origin of a
luxurious city. 
And that may not be a bad idea, for by examining it, we might very well 
see how justice and injustice grow up in cities.” 
Indeed, it is necessary to discuss a luxurious city if we are to deal 
with Glaucon’s and Adeimantus’ points—if we are to contrast the just and unjust 
lives.  So he “enlarges” the city 
adding many more “crafts.”  
--372a Plato’s Socrates 
recognizes that a “minimalistic” state won’t satisfy most people (who will want 
“...couches, tables and other furniture...all sorts of delicacies, perfumed 
oils, incense, prostitutes, and pastries”). 
As the sequel will make clear, he thinks that (a) the non-luxurious city
is better, and (b) there are reasons 
why he believes that some [or, 
better, most] people will not be “satisfied” with the non-luxurious city. 
The challenge posed by Adeimantus helps explain why he allows for more 
than the “necessary” crafts (why he develops a luxurious city): if he is to show 
what justice is and that it is intrinsically valuable, he must allow for both 
justice and injustice to arise (and must explain why the latter arises). 
--372b “We must no longer provide 
them only with the necessities we mentioned at first, houses and clothes and 
shoes, but we must call in painting and embroidery; we must acquire gold and 
ivory and all such things....That healthy community is no longer adequate, but 
it must be swollen in bulk and filled with a multitude of things which are no 
longer necessities, as, for example, all kinds of hunters and artists....” 
The city is increased in size and filled with a multitude of things that 
go beyond what is necessary for a city.   
--Note: In Books VIII and IX (which 
are not included in our selection), Plato develops a detailed and 
extensive comparison-and-contrast argument that is to address the
second of the major questions of the
Republic: “Why is the just life 
preferable to the unjust one?” or “How valuable is justice?” 
-374c Again he notes the need for 
each individual to stick to a single 
craft (his “principle of specialization”). 
4. The need for 
guardians—to protect our valuables and ourselves [374-376d]: 
The lack of 
self-sufficiency thesis and the 
principle of specialization, when coupled with the
development of a luxurious city-state, 
make it clear that one important role which will need to be fulfilled is that of 
the “guardians.”  Without 
appropriate guardians, the ideally just state will be impossible. 
While, of course, each role is important, Plato’s Socrates will focus 
upon the guardians (and rulers) as it is this role that has not been properly 
defined and fulfilled in extant states. 
He believes that the sort of role and knowledge necessary for farmers, 
iron workers, potters, shoemakers, shepherds, etc., is already well-known and 
does not require investigation or discussion. 
The fact that we don’t have just states is to be explained by the fact 
that our guardians and rulers are not rightly trained (and, in fact, not rightly 
characterized).  Thus, in this 
section, he begins to focus upon what those who would fulfill this task must be 
like.  The remainder of this book 
will largely focus upon this “class” within the state. 
373e-374a The need for
guardians—to protect the state: 
“then the city must be further enlarged, and not just by a small number, either, 
but by a whole army….”  
-374e “...to the degree that the 
work of the guardians is most important, it requires the most freedom from other 
things and the greatest skill and devotion.” 
-375b-c The guardians must have a
spirited temperament but be
gentle
to their people. 
--375e-376c
Guard dog analogy: “Then do you 
think that our future guardian, besides being spirited, must also be by nature 
philosophical?....When a dog sees someone it doesn’t know, it gets angry before 
anything bad happens to it.  But 
when it knows someone, it welcomes him, even if it has never received anything 
good from him....In what way philosophical?....Because it judges anything it 
sees to be either a friend or an enemy, on no other basis than that it knows the 
one and doesn’t know the other.”  
Thus, the guardians must have a 
philosophic element in their nature—they must
know friend from foe! 
We must, then, be concerned with the sort of education they will have. 
Explain why it is the guardians’ education he is concerned with—if 
something is wrong with the cobblers’ education, is it as serious as if the
guardians are miseducated? 
Our editor leaves out a section of the
Republic [376e-412] which deals with
the early phases of the education of the 
guardians and the sorts of stories and music which will be allowed in the 
state.  The discussion emphasizes 
that: 
378e The young cannot distinguish 
what is allegorical from what is not, and the beliefs they acquire at that age 
are hard to expunge and usually remain unchanged. 
That may be the reason why it is most important that the first stories 
they hear should be well told and dispose them to virtue. 
-The censorship that he 
calls for is to have a moral purpose, and it is necessary given the character of 
the young and of some of the individuals throughout their lives. 
The educational program which he outlines will train both the guardians’ 
minds and their bodies, and it will aim to establish a harmony in their 
characters—it will address both their “spirited” and their “wisdom-loving” parts 
(411e).  
389b “...truth must also 
be highly esteemed....though [untruth is] useful to men as a kind of medicine, 
clearly we must allow physicians to use it, but not private citizens....So it is 
fitting for the rulers, if for anyone, to use lies for the good of the city 
because of certain actions of the enemy or of citizens, but everyone else must 
keep away from them.  For a private 
citizen to lie to such rulers is wrong or worse than for a sick man to lie to 
his physician or an athlete to his trainer about his physical condition, or for 
a sailor not to tell the navigator the truth about the condition of the ship or 
how he himself or a fellow sailor is behaving.” 
[Cf., 459d.] 
--In his “The Ethicist” column in
The New York Times Magazine, Randy 
Cohen maintains that: 
informed consent, central to the 
doctor patient relationship, requires honest doctors. 
A patient…can agree to a course of treatment with only a real 
understanding of it—impossible if a doctor simply makes things up.[3] 
5. The rulers, the 
noble fiction, and the guard dog problem [412c-427]: 
In this section Plato’s Socrates distinguishes the overall 
group of guardians into two classes: the 
auxiliaries and the rulers. 
He also deals with several problems that both his characterization of 
these classes and his educational program for them seem to pose. 
412e “...we must choose from 
among our guardians those men who, upon examination, seem most of all to believe 
throughout their lives that they must eagerly pursue eagerly what is 
advantageous to the city and be wholly unwilling to do the opposite.” 
-Plato’s Socrates is clearly 
saying that in addition to having the 
wisdom-loving and spirited parts of their souls well-trained, the rulers of his 
ideal state are to have a very highly developed sense of
social concern (throughout their 
lives, he says, they are to be tested to see that they don’t put their own 
advantage above that of the state).  
-413a-e While no person would 
surrender true belief willingly, one 
may be robbed of such belief by theft, violence, or bewitchment. 
One may be persuaded away from the truth here or one may forget it. 
So, what we are looking for is the 
best of the best—these will be our rulers. 
--Here we must distinguish 
between and discuss the relative merits of
true belief and
knowledge—what makes the latter 
preferable to the former (according to Plato)? 
-414b “...isn’t it truly most 
correct to call these people complete 
guardians, since they will guard against external enemies and internal 
friends, so that one will lack the power and the other the desire to harm the 
city?  The young people we’ve 
hitherto called guardians we’ll now call 
auxiliaries and supporters of the guardians’ convictions.” 
In effect, the educational process which Plato’s Socrates outlines is 
supposed to develop individuals who have been properly educated (wisdom and high 
spirit), who care for the state rather than for themselves (simply). 
Their appetites, of course, will be controlled. 
In short, these individuals will have a
harmony. 
But will they want to rule, and will the other citizens accept them as 
rulers?  
The noble fiction: 
-415 Gold, Silver, Iron & Bronze: 
the why of this must be 
discussed—does the telling of the story amount to a contradiction for Plato? 
Can an “ideal” [just] state be 
founded upon a lie?  Is the 
noble fiction a lie?  
-Think about the following line 
of argument regarding the “myth of the metals.” 
Given his definition of justice, such “lying” is just because: 
--justice is doing one’s job, 
--the ruler’s job is maintaining 
the right social order, 
--“the myth of the metals” is 
necessary for social order, 
--therefore telling the “myth” is 
just—telling it is the right thing to do. 
The guard dog problem: 
416 “The most terrible and most 
shameful thing of all is for a shepherd to rear dogs as auxiliaries to help with 
his flocks in such a way that through licentiousness, hunger, or some other bad 
trait of character, they do evil to the sheep and become like wolves instead of 
dogs.”  
-416b “Isn’t it necessary...to 
guard in every way against our auxiliaries doing anything like that to the 
citizens because they are stronger, therefore becoming savage masters instead of 
kindly allies?”  
-416b-417b “And wouldn’t a really 
good education endow them with the greatest caution in this regard? 
 
But surely they have had an education like that. 
 
Perhaps we shouldn’t assert this 
dogmatically, Glaucon.  What we 
can assert in what we were saying just now, that they must have the right 
education, whatever it is, if they are to have what will most make them gentle 
to one another and to those they are guarding. 
 
....Now, someone with some understanding might say that,
besides this education, they must 
also have the kind of housing and other property what will neither prevent them 
from being the best guardians nor encourage them to do evil to the other 
citizens.”  Thus, Plato’s Socrates 
places a number of “restrictions” upon their “life-style:” 
--no material wealth, 
--a life where all is shared in 
common, 
--Spartan existence (explain 
“Sparta” and contrast Plato’s ideal state with the Spartan one). 
--Relevant 
Consideration: it could well be suggested that the “restrictions” which 
Plato’s Socrates places upon the life-style of the guardians may best be 
considered as a mechanism for instituting the continuing testing process which 
these individuals must undergo as we check to see that they always care for the 
good of the state (rather than for their own good)—cf., 
412e.  
Our editor leaves off a section of the text from 417c-427d 
wherein Plato considers an objection from Adeimantus that Plato’s Socrates is 
not making the rulers of the city happy, since he is depriving them of the 
requirements for a good life (wealth, children, etc.). 
Plato’s Socrates replies that this isn’t really true, they are being 
provided with what really is valuable, rather than with the things people 
believe to be valuable.  In this 
omitted material Plato offers an objection to what he has just asserted: 
419
Adeimantus’ objection: 
“...you aren’t making 
these men very happy and...it’s their own fault....The city really belongs to 
them, yet they derive no good from it. 
Others own land, build fine houses, acquire furnishings to go along with 
them, make their own private sacrifices to the gods, entertain guests, and also, 
of course, possess...gold and silver and all the things that are thought to 
belong to people who are blessedly happy. 
But one well say that your guardians are simply settled in the city like 
mercenaries and that all they do is watch over it.” 
-420b “...it wouldn’t be 
surprising if these people were very happiest just as they are, but...in 
establishing our city, we aren’t aiming to make any one group outstandingly 
happy but to make the whole city so, as far as possible. 
We thought that we’d find justice most easily in such a city, and 
injustice, by contrast, in one that is governed worst and that, by observing 
both cities, we’d be able to judge the question we’ve been inquiring about for 
so long.”  
--Note: 
given the challenges offered by Glaucon and Adeimantus (as well as 
Thrasymachus), Plato’s Socrates can not simply try to make the rulers wealthy, 
wise, and happy.  He must show how 
their possession of justice is good 
independent of whatever extrinsic rewards it offers. 
For this reason, amongst others, he can not simply set out to provide 
them with either advantage or happiness. 
He must show what justice is and show that it is
intrinsically valuable. 
Thus, in fact (as the sequel will show), he does believe that these 
individuals are “outstandingly happy,” but he must show what their happiness 
consists in, and why all should want it (if they can attain it).
 
--Here we should reflect 
again on the passage at 347b regarding Plato’s Socrates’ response to the 
question: “Why rule if one doesn’t benefit [in the sense that Thrasymachus 
intends the word]?”  Of course the 
response is that one does it because one 
cares for the city and one’s fellow citizens, and because one would suffer 
if a less qualified individual rules. 
In short, the wise will rule because it is their responsibility to do so. 
6. The four virtues 
in the city [427e-434e]: 
In this section of the text, Plato’s Socrates characterizes 
the four main virtues which the ideal state exemplifies. 
He is introducing us to the 
wisdom, courage (or bravery),
moderation, and
justice which are essential if a 
state is to be well-ordered.  The 
next section will introduce the same concepts within the soul. 
Later discussions clarify, elaborate upon, and further develop the ideas 
introduced here.  With these two 
sections we have the initial answer to the two main questions of the
Republic—both the nature and the 
value of justice have been sketched. 
427e Plato’s Socrates claims that 
the ideal state sketched so far has four important virtues: wisdom, bravery, 
moderation, and justice: 
-428c
Wisdom: “Is it because of the 
knowledge possessed by its carpenters, then, that the city is to be called wise 
and sound in judgment?”  
--429 “...a whole city 
established according to nature would be wise because of the smallest class and 
part in it, namely, the governing or ruling one. 
And to this class which seems to be by nature the smallest, belongs a 
share of the knowledge that alone among all the other kinds of knowledge is to 
be called wisdom.”  
--Question: 
Why does he say that this class will be, “by nature” the “smallest
one?”  Is his claim here a 
“logical” or an “empirical” one?  
While, it may seem natural within the state that there be fewer “rulers” than 
“auxiliaries” or “workers,” why should this be so in the ideal state? 
Suppose all the “work” (including the protection work) could be done by 
slaves or machines, could everyone (else), then, be rulers? 
Note, also that when we speak, in the next section, about the individual, 
we can again ask “Why is this “part” of the soul the “smallest?” 
-429b
Civic Courage and the soldiers (or 
auxiliaries): 
--429c Plato’s “definition” of ‘civic 
courage’: “...the power to preserve 
through everything its belief about what things are to be feared, namely, that 
they are the things and the kinds of things that the lawgiver declared to be 
such in the course of educating it.” 
Clearly what he is speaking of here is not (at least not simply) what we 
normally call courage (just as the wisdom he speaks of is not what that word 
might normally connote).  The 
“virtue” he is speaking here he called “high-spiritedness” when using the guard 
dog metaphor.  What he has in mind 
is more than “intestinal fortitude,” and at 430c the definition is said to apply 
to something called “civic courage.” 
As we shall see even more clearly in the next section, what Plato has in 
mind here is not one of the appetites but, rather, a particular sort of
passion (or emotion). 
--In her
The Therapy of Desire, Martha 
Nussbaum helps us see what sort of thing is being discussed here when she says 
that: “emotions” is the more common modern generic term, while “passions” 
is both etymologically closer to the most common Greek and Latin terms and more 
firmly entrenched in the Western philosophical tradition....what I mean to 
designate by these terms is a genus of which experiences such as fear, love, 
grief, anger, envy, jealousy, and other relatives—but not bodily appetites such 
as hunger and thirst—are the species....This family of experience, which we call 
emotions as opposed to appetites, is grouped together by many Greek thinkers, 
beginning at least with Plato, and his account of the soul’s middle part.[4] 
--In his
Varieties of Moral Personality, Owen 
Flanagan maintains that the six basic emotions are: anger, fear, disgust, 
happiness, sadness, and surprise.[5] 
-430e
Moderation “...a mastery of 
certain kinds of pleasures and desires.”[6] 
--431 Self-control and the rule 
of the better part of the soul over the worse. 
--431c-d Plato’s Socrates talks 
of finding “...all kinds of diverse desires, pleasures, and pains, mostly in 
children, women, household slaves, and in those of the inferior majority who are 
called free.”  He contrasts this 
with “...the desires that are simple, measured, and directed by calculation in 
accordance with understanding and correct belief [which are found] only in the 
few people who are born with the best natures and receive the best education.” 
In the ideal state, “...the 
desires of the inferior many are controlled by the wisdom and desires of the 
superior few”.  
--These passages suggest what I 
will call the “aristocratic reading” 
of the text.  They suggest that the 
inferior many are constitutionally incapable of self-control (and, thus, must 
have control imposed externally upon them). 
These passages should be contrasted with 518c: “...the power to learn is 
present in everyone’s soul...the instrument with which each learns is like an 
eye that cannot be turned around from darkness to light without turning the 
whole body.”  The latter passage 
suggests what I will call the “democratic 
reading” of the text which suggests that even the inferior many are capable 
of self-control (though to be believable, this reading will have to allow that 
it is unlikely that they can impose this self-control unless they receive 
significant assistance).  Critically 
considering the text and trying to decide which reading is the right one helps 
one understand the whole text better. 
--Note, also, that in 
this passage women are compared with children and household slaves in terms of 
the role of the appetites in their souls. 
Plato explicitly takes up the role of women in his ideal state in a 
section omitted by our editor [451d-456c], and a study of his remarks there 
shows that he explicitly allows that women could be rulers (could do any of the 
jobs, trades, or crafts in the state). 
The explicit argument he offers there seems to make this sort of passage 
we are currently confronted with inexplicable, however, and we are left with an 
interpretive problem: what is his real 
view of [the capabilities of] women? 
--432 Moderation is a kind of 
harmony and must infuse the whole state—all of the citizens must have a great 
deal of this particular virtue!  
-Justice: 
-433 “Justice...is exactly what 
we said must be established throughout the city when we were founding it....We 
stated...that everyone must practice one of the occupations in the city for 
which he is naturally best suited.”  
--433e “...the power that 
consists in everyone’s doing his own work rivals wisdom, moderation, and courage 
in its contribution to the virtue of the city.” 
--434 “...the 
having and doing of one’s own would be accepted as justice.” 
--Injustice and meddling (in 
others’ tasks)—attempting to perform a task for which one is not naturally 
suited.  
--Philosophical 
Aside: Plato’s view here implies that we each have one particular 
“job” which we are suited for.  Is 
this something he has successfully argued for? 
What he says may make more sense when he speaks, below, about justice
in the individual. 
But, according to him, what is true of justice in the individual is also 
true of justice in the state (and vice-versa). 
Thus, if we don’t accept that there is a single, particular, objective 
job which uniquely suits each individual, we must reject some of what he says 
here!  
--Note: 
In his “Plato’s Euthyphro,” Peter 
Geach maintains that a “definition” may not be what we need: “the style of 
mistaken thinking...may well be called the
Socratic fallacy, for its
locus classicus is the Socratic 
dialogues.  Its influence has, I 
think, been greater than that of the theory of Forms; certainly people can fall 
into it independently of any theory of Forms. 
I have myself heard a philosopher refuse to allow that a proper name is a 
word in a sentence unless a “rigorous definition” of ‘word’ could be produced; 
again, if someone remarks that machines are certainly not even alive, still less 
able to think and reason, he may be challenged to define ‘alive’. 
Both these controversial moves are clear examples of the Socratic 
fallacy; and neither originates from any belief in Forms. 
 
Let us be clear that this is a 
fallacy, and nothing better.  It has 
stimulated philosophical enquiry, but still it is a fallacy. 
We know heaps of things without being able to define the terms in which 
we express our knowledge.  Formal 
definitions are only one way of elucidating terms; a set of examples may in a 
given case be more useful than a formal definition.”[7] 
--Note: 
one of John Dewey’s criticisms of Plato is also relevant here: “were it granted 
that the rule of the aristoi would 
lead to the highest external development of society and the individual, there 
would still be a fatal objection.  
Humanity cannot be content with a good which is procured from without, however 
high and otherwise complete that good. 
The aristocratic idea implies that the mass of men are to be inserted by 
wisdom, or if necessary, thrust by force, into their proper positions in the 
social organism.  It is true, indeed 
that when an individual has found that place in society for which he is best 
fitted and is exercising the function proper to that place, he has obtained his 
completest development, but it is also true (and this is the truth omitted by 
aristocracy, emphasized by democracy) that he must find this place and assume 
this work in the main for himself.”  
Robert Westbrook elaborates upon this saying: “for the democrat, the realization 
of the ethical ideal must be entrusted to the self-conscious, freely willed 
actions of every individual in a society. 
A good that an individual did not self-consciously recognize and pursue 
for himself was not a good; men could not be forced to be free.”[8] 
								
								
								
								
								[1] While our 
								translator and editor use the word ‘city’, I 
								will use ‘state’ as it will be more natural for 
								us—we do not conceive of cities as 
								self-sufficient political unities, but clearly, 
								this is what is intended. 
								In this era of internationalism, perhaps 
								‘state’ does not carry the relevant connotation 
								completely either, but clearly Plato intends by 
								his term a self-sufficient political unity of 
								individuals. 
								
								
								
								
								
								
								[2]
								
								Cf., 
								C.D.C. Reeve’s “The Naked Old Women in the 
								Palastra: A Dialogue Between Plato and Lashenia 
								of Mantinea” in the 1992
								Fall 
								Hackett Catalog (Indianapolis: Hackett, 
								1992). 
								
								
								
								
								
								
								[3] Randy 
								Cohen in his “The Ethicist” column in
								The New 
								York Times Magazine on 
								
								
								
								
								[4] Martha 
								Nussbaum, 
								The Therapy of Desire: Theory and Practice in 
								Hellenistic Ethics (Princeton: Princeton 
								U.P., 1994), p. 319. 
								
								
								
								
								
								
								[5]
								
								Cf., 
								Owen Flanagan,
								Varieties 
								of Moral Personality: Ethics and Psychological 
								Realism (Cambridge: Harvard U.P., 1991), p. 
								41.  
								 
								
								
								
								
								[6] As our 
								translator and editor note, the Greek word here 
								(sophrosune) 
								has a wide meaning carrying the connotations of 
								“...self-control, good sense, reasonableness, 
								temperance, and (in some contexts) chastity. 
								Someone who keeps his head under pressure 
								or temptation possesses
								
								sophrosune. 
								
								
								
								
								
								
								[7] Peter 
								Geach, “Plato’s Euthyphro,”
								The 
								Monist v. 50 (1966), pp. 369-382, p. 371. 
								
								
								
								
								
								
								[8] Robert B. 
								Westbrook,
								John 
								Dewey and American Democracy (Ithaca: 
								Cornell U.P., 1991), p. 42. 
								
								
								
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