Published Research
Exposure to Neighbor Adoptions, Agenda Setting Behavior, and Policy Diffusion (Replication Data)
Abstract: Recent scholarship has downplayed the role of geography in policy diffusion, giving more attention to state similarity. Geography, however, still appears to be important for some policies and contexts, and we know less about its importance in influencing outcomes at stages prior to adoption, such as agenda setting. In this paper, I examine the extent to which geography plays a role in shaping the agenda-setting behavior that precedes policy adoption. Taking advantage of mismatches between state boundaries and media markets, I look at the agenda-setting behavior of legislators who have been "exposed" to policy adoptions in neighboring states. Drawing on a database of policy adoptions of thirteen criminal justice policies, I find that legislators exposed to out-of-state adoptions are more likely to author and sponsor these bills, offering a micro-level mechanism that substantiates the role of geography in policy diffusion.Leadership Experience, Cosponsor Cues and the Floor Agenda in State Legislatures (Replication Data)
Abstract: Output from state legislatures is influenced in many ways by member experience, but while many studies have considered collective levels of experience due to term limits or turnover, little research has focused on leadership change. Leader continuity varies tremendously across legislatures, from leaders who serve for decades to chambers with change every session. In this paper, I ask whether leadership experience influences floor agendas and the linkage between cosponsor cues and bill consideration. Looking at 26 legislatures from 2012 to 2020, I find no evidence that new and continuing leaders use cues differently, indicating that leaders quickly learn to use cosponsor cues.Linking Primary Voter Mindsets to General Election Enthusiasm (with Lauren Ratliff Santoro and Anand Sokhey) (Replication Data)
Abstract: For decades scholars and pundits alike have been interested in questions about divisive presidential primaries. However, most analyses examine how campaigns cause these effects after the field has been winnowed - the implicit assumption is that negativity via events and advertising is consequential. While campaigns are likely the proximate cause of divisive primary effects, we argue that the behaviors involved - allowing displeasure with one election outcome to affect behavior in a subsequent election - demands attention to individual dispositions. Thus, we take a step back to consider what we miss when we overlook what is happening at the time of the large field, shining a spotlight on the mindsets of primary voters at the start of the process. To do so, we identify individuals who possess what we call the "divisive primary mindset," which consists of two traits: (1) the degree to which they prefer one candidate over all others ("preference exclusivity"), and (2) the extent to which their affect for a candidate is indistinguishable from their assessment of that candidate's electability ("wish fulfillment"). Using an original, nation-wide panel following Democratic voters from the 2020 primaries through the general election, we find that individuals with both these traits were more likely to be late deciders in the general, less likely to participate in activities outside of voting, and more likely to defect from Biden. We test the robustness of these findings to candidate-centric explanations and discuss the importance of understanding campaign dynamics in an era of hyper-partisanship and nationalized politics.Institutional Attachments and Patterns of Ambition in State Legislatures (with Bethany Bowra) (Replication Data)
Abstract: Studies of ambition often frame decisions to run for reelection, seek higher office, or retire in terms of the nature of those opportunities and the risks associated with them. However, career decisions can also be framed in terms of the value of one's present position, which depends on what we refer to as institutional attachments. In contrast to institutional positions (leadership, committee chairs), institutional attachments relate to social position in the legislature and how it has changed over time. In this article, we explore how factors related to institutional attachments influence career decisions. Specifically, we ask whether a legislator's cohort, including its size, compatibility, and experience in possessing majority status affect the propensity to exhibit static ambition. Looking at a sample of more than 5500 state legislative open-seat opportunities in 47 states between 2003 and 2016, we find some but not all these traits are predictive of career decisions.
Bicameral Distinctiveness in American State Legislatures (Replication Data)
Abstract: Many important traits of state legislatures vary across chambers within a state. Yet according to existing typologies in the comparative study of bicameralism, the 49 bicameral American state legislatures would be deemed quite homogeneous. To resolve this disjuncture, I identify a novel dimension of bicameralism that distinguishes among state legislatures by capturing the extent to which the two chambers serve as meaningfully different venues for influence. Based on this framework, I develop an index of bicameral "distinctiveness" rooted in three traits that speak to policy influence across chambers: the ratio of seats, bipartisan representation, and constituency dissimilarity. This measure reveals sizable variation across states and a conspicuous geographic pattern, with considerably greater bicameral distinctiveness in the Eastern United States. In turn, I assess the construct validity of this measure, showing how patterns of second chamber bill amendment vary systematically with the level of bicameral distinctiveness.
Instant Credibility: The Conditional Role of Professional Expertise in Policymaking Success (Replication Data)
Abstract: For legislators without legislative experience, credibility can be vital to achieving legislative success, and expertise from one's professional background is a highly plausible source of such credibility. For example, when legislating in policy areas directly related to one's previous occupation, a legislator's colleagues may perceive policy instruments as more informed by expertise rather than ideological preferences. In this paper, I focus on several questions related to the linkage between professional background and legislative success, and specifically, the ability to guide authored bills through the legislative process. First, does a match between a legislator's professional background and the topic of legislation make that legislation more likely to advance in the legislative process? Second, if so, does the importance of professional background dissipate as length of legislative service increases? Third, does the relevance of professional background systematically differ across types of legislators and legislatures? I find strong evidence that having a relevant professional background does lead to legislative success for new members, but that this pattern persists later in the legislative career too. Moreover, I find that these patterns are especially strong for minority party legislators and in legislatures with higher levels of membership turnover.
Expertise and the Championing of Policy Innovations in State Legislatures
Abstract: Innovative ideas often need champions to advocate for them. The study of policy innovation, however, has often focused on enactments rather than earlier stages of the legislative process, in which the actions of a bill's advocates may be especially crucial. In this paper, I ask who the champions of policy innovations are, focusing on two categories of legislators whose expertise makes them likely advocates: individuals with relevant professional backgrounds and individuals serving on relevant legislative committees. However, I also argue that the impact of expertise is conditional: as policies diffuse more widely, the role of expertise fades in importance, and champions can come from the broader legislative membership. To test these claims, I examine bill authorship and cosponsorship across 14 criminal justice policies between 1993 and 2004. I find that committee membership and professional background are indeed powerful predictors, but that their impact decreases as more states adopt the policy.
Abstract: Providing representation entails making choices about prioritizing the needs of diverse groups within one's constituency. While citizens cannot reasonably expect that representatives will cater to their particular interests or priorities all the time, we know little about citizens' expectations in this regard. In this paper, we present the results of two survey experiments that probe the relationship between citizens' group identifications, their perceptions of their constituencies, and their demands regarding representation. We find that citizens are generally egocentric, in that they expect a representative to cater to personally relevant interests even when such interests are not an important part of the representative's constituency. Moreover, we find that this egocentrism is not mitigated through the provision of information about the district's diversity or composition, indicating that voter ignorance about the nature of constituencies is not the primary cause of these expectations. Regardless of sophistication, we observe expectations that are unrealistically self-centered.
Professional Backgrounds in State Legislatures, 1993-2012 (Replication Data)
Abstract: In this paper, I introduce a new dataset of individual-level professional background data for state legislators in 98 chambers from 1993-2012. Using this data, I examine trends in the professional backgrounds of state legislators over the period of the study, with attention to institutional factors such as professionalism and legislative turnover and individual-level factors such as political party, gender, race, and ethnicity. In addition, I briefly illustrate three applications of the data. First, I analyze the extent to which district-level demographic and political factors affect the probability that a district will elect a legislator from certain backgrounds. Second, I examine the relationship between occupational background and ideology, identifying the backgrounds which identify moderate and extreme members in each party. Third, I contrast the occupational backgrounds of legislators who hold leadership positions with the membership at large. Taken together, these examples speak to some of the ways in which the composition of state legislatures can reveal interesting and relevant information underlying legislative behavior and institutions.
Local media tone, economic conditions, and the evaluation of US governors (with Nick Clark)Abstract: Connections between media coverage, economic conditions, and performance evaluations of political leaders have seldom been explored in specific local media markets, due to the challenges of measuring media tone and content for a large number of media outlets or markets. In this paper, we develop a measure of media tone by comparing the economic evaluations of local media consumers and national media consumers within the same media market. We then use this measure to evaluate the relationship between media tone and objective economic conditions. We find that positive media tone increases the probability that individuals will approve of the governor's performance in office, and that tone also attenuates the negative relationship between unemployment and gubernatorial approval.
The Retention of Expertise and Productivity in State Legislative Committees (Replication Data)Abstract: Legislative committees rely on the expertise and experience of their members, but instability in committee systems threatens the enhancements in productivity associated with specialization. This can occur in two ways, both of which are more common in state legislative committees than they are in Congress. First, membership retention on committees is generally lower, even after accounting for differing levels of legislative turnover across legislatures. Second, many state legislative committee systems undergo reorganization between sessions, changing the policy jurisdictions, and, therefore, the applicability of members' previously developed expertise. In this article, I examine the consequences of these two sources of committee instability on legislative output in 14 state legislatures. I find that both membership retention and jurisdictional reorganization significantly affect the number of bills processed through committees and the number of bills ultimately enacted. These linkages are also conditioned on several committee and institutional factors, particularly legislative turnover. Last, I find a weaker but discernible effect of membership retention on committees' propensity to perform their gatekeeping role.
A Very Particular Set of Skills: Former Legislator Traits and Revolving Door Lobbying in CongressAbstract: In recent decades, observers of Congress have devoted increasing attention to the phenomenon of the revolving door, whereby members of Congress and staffers go on to careers in lobbying. This practice raises a number of normative concerns that are perhaps most heightened when it comes to the lobbying activities of members of Congress themselves. In this article, I examine the factors determining which former members go through the revolving door, and find that members with central network positions and highly effective legislators are more likely to become lobbyists. I then examine the extent to which members-turned-lobbyists have an impact on bills in Congress. I find evidence that lobbying by former members increases a bill's probability of progressing and some evidence that highly effective legislators also go on to become more effective lobbyists. Taken together, these findings support conventional wisdom that former members become some of the most influential lobbyists.
Mass Preferences on Shared Representation and the Composition of Legislative Districts (with Dino Christenson)Abstract: Scholars of redistricting often discuss "communities of interest" as a guideline for drawing districts, but scholarship offers little guidance on how citizens construe communities and interests in the context of representation. In this article, we seek to better understand how citizens' perceptions of people and places affect preferences regarding representation. Using an original survey conducted in 15 Massachusetts communities, we explore whether citizens have meaningful preferences about the communities with whom they share the same representative. To the extent they do, we test whether these preferences are driven by geographic considerations or other factors such as partisanship, race, and socioeconomic status. Our findings not only offer the opportunity to refine the concept of "communities of interest" to account for voter preferences but also more broadly speak to the literature on the increasingly political nature of residential preferences and their impact on political attitudes, participation, and voting behavior.